Amieong Dilliu

Amieong Tolytan Dilliu is an Atsun politician who currently serves as the president of Ke-Atsung. He has been leading the nation ever since the 1945 Atsun presidential election and has shaped the modern face of Atsun politics. He is the first Atsun president to have fought in the war against Surovia. He is also serving as the General Secretary of the National People's Movement, a revolutionary and currently the sole legal political party in the National Assembly.

Born in the slums of Satugunnu, he grew up in poverty. He learned to read and write through his participation in an illegal school. At age 17, he enrolled in the Vytis Suliokas University in Lengtash, which then was funded by Epreia. He studied law and history, and it is assumed that he developed his views from a mixture of rural beliefs in religion to modern, secular education at university. After his time at university, he worked as a corporate consulate for Amiharup for several years before eventually being fired for protesting against the government. He was shortly after imprisoned but still continued to spread his ideas in prison. Following the outbreak of the war against Surovia, he applied for service in return for a reduced sentence. His request was accepted and he started his service as a simple infantryman.

Amieong, alongside many within the army, adopted anti-Surovian views, which they viewed as foreign occupiers. With Ke-Atsung essentially acting as a defender of the entirety of East Artopa, many would begin to assert the claim that the nation should take a more active role in the politics of the wider region. The anti-Surovian sentient in Ke-Atsung quickly changed to anti-imperialism and favored the support of the oppressed people against the foreign oppressors. Amieong would ultimately describe the war as a "Gruesome war of interests and imperialism" and further stated that the war almost caused a "Complete institutional collapse" in which "The people fend for themselves"

His ideas were popular among many within Ke-Atsung, who, like him, viewed foreigners with distrust and sought change. For the 1945 presidential election, he campaigned around radical change, the building of Ke-Atsung's military and industrial might, and an end to internal problems. He would ultimately go on to win the election in a landslide victory. As one of his first policies to modernize the military and save money, he cut military spending and troop numbers, and instead of relying on Glasean-made rifles, he instead kickstarted the domestic armament industry of Ke-Atsung. Amieong also instituted a state-sponsored propaganda campaign, which led to the creation of his cult of personality.

In 1946, Amieong declared in his now infamous The Atsun Revolution speech, that the promised radical change will be instituted. He revitalized the state-owned Atsun Health Corporation and school system, improved the gear of many different government institutions, and commissioned Amiharup to rebuild infrastructure throughout the country. His popularity then skyrocketed, and this, alongside a growing cult of personality, led to the purge of thousands of National People's Movement members. Two years after, the 1948 Atsun Revolution would begin, which would see huge pro-Amieong rallies across the country eventually develop into chaotic crowds of people, and they would perform civil arrests of opposition figures and others alike. The government would also partake in the arrests, and by the end of the year, all parties were officially banned. The banning of the Communist Party and the Wai Kanu Royal League would lead to an expanding communist alongside monarchist growing in size. As a response, he increased funding for the Republican Security Services and would begin military operations against the insurgencies. Many would go on to be killed or executed without proper reason by military authorities.

Early Years
Amieong's early life mostly remains unknown, as state bureaucracy was scarce where he grew up, but from what is available, it is known that Amieong Dilliu was born on 13 September 1903 in the slums of Satugunnu. His father, Mouiu, was a farmer, and he was quick to anger and often took his frustrations on Amieong and his brother Cuon Dilliu. His mother, Udiu, worked as a teacher for an illegal school run by the Dhobaok Group in the city. At the age of 13, authorities would crack down on the Dhobaok Group, and Udiu would be tracked down, she was subsequently never seen again. Some sources claim that his mother's disappearance could have helped him develop paranoia.

University and political thought
In 1920, using the money left by his mother, alongside his work in a factory, at the age of 17, he would purchase a small home and enroll in the Vytis Suliokas University in Lengtash, where he would study law and history. He would be exposed to the ideas of socialist writers and activists, such as the Surovian Boris Rostovich. Being a rapidly growing minority, Amieong would denounce monarchism and nationalism but would state to his colleagues that he admired their way of mass politics. During his time in university, he was an avid reader, and was borrowing books from friends and even purchasing some for himself, he developed his idea of "Tolytanism", named after his middle name "Tolytan", which translates to "Light". He would argue for a reform of society, where an all-powerful central ruler would eliminate bureaucracy and reform society. He would participate in secret forbidden forum clubs, in which politics was discussed. He would graduate in 1915 at the age of 22.

Politics and imprisonment
After his graduation, Amieong would work as a corporate counsel for Amiharup, a Satugunnu-based construction corporation. He has told some of his colleagues that he did not like the work there and that he was willing to quit if there was a better alternative. He would begin to publicly proclaim his ideas but would be fired 3 years into the job following his arrest by government authorities for the support of a local reformist group.

After a short trial, he was convinced of treason alongside 50 others and sent to a prison in the east of the country, a prison which would earn the nickname "Chi Mhet", meaning "Lack of water", in reference to the brutal conditions of the inmates held there. After some time in prison, Amieong and several other inmates planned to escape the prison, but they were told on by one of the inmates. This caused all involved, including Amieong, to get a harsher sentence plus, it was described that their treatment by the guards became worse.

Despite the terrible conditions present in the prison, Amieong was able to spread his ideas of Tolytanism to the prisoners and was able to befriend some prisoners and even some security guards who agreed with his plans. He would befriend De Amiu and they would both jointly speak about Tolytanism.

Military service
At the outbreak of the World War, Ke-Atsung would find itself in a brutal war against Surovia's expansion to the east. Wanting to serve the country, and also tired of being in prison, both Amieong and De Amiu would request to serve in the military for a reduced sentence. The request would both be accepted and they would serve as an infantryman. During a battle, De Amiu would recall a quote by Amieong, which would later become a symbol of just how brutal the war was - "Just moments earlier, I'd been sitting next to a soldier, full of cheer and happiness, now his body lay on the ground, bloodied and filled with bullet holes - he is now but a memory."

His military service would coincide with the increase in nationalist, anti-imperialist sentiments across the armed forces, the costs of the war pushed state institutions to their limits, and the soldiers fighting on the ground were demoralized, even despite the aid coming from Glasea and Epreia. They were holding the front, but the horrors of war cannot be ignored. Amieong himself would remark anti-Surovian remarks multiple times and would blame it and the then government of Ke-Atsung for causing millions to die for no apparent reason, saying: "This war of ours is a mere conflict of interests between the corrupt and treasonous.". But despite his deep hatred for the war, he continued his service, saying that Tolytan principles respect all those who serve and have served the army of Ke-Atsung.

Atsung National Movement
Main Article: Atsung National Movement

Following the end of the World War in 1941, Ke-Atsung would see the popularity of socialists at an all-time high. From the monarchist and communist insurgencies to failing state institutions, there were numerous reasons for populist and far-right/far-left sentiments to grow. The communists proposed a socialist utopia, based on values of equality and wanted reform. The far-right would seek to unite East Artopa under Ke-Atsung. But Amieong did not favor either. Instead of joining the Communist Party or the Patriots of Kounugulung, he joined the Atsung National Movement, which was a short-lived political organization that promoted a secular, yet nationalist agenda. They wanted to rebuild Ke-Atsung, and further, industrialize and use the potential of its many resources. Even there, Amieong would espouse Tolytanist messages during his speeches, which would eventually cause a split within the party, with one side supporting a Ke-Atsung free from ideology, and the other supporting Tolytanism and its principles. The split would eventually lead to the dissolution of the A.N.M.

National People's Movement
Main Article: National People's Movement

Amieong would then, banded together with his supporters in the defunct A.N.M and formed the National People's Movement in 1942. With Tolytanism as its core ideology, ever since the first days of the organization rule has been centralized by Amieong, who became its first General Secretary. He then convinced his friend De Amiu to join the party, and shortly after he appointed him as Deputy Minister, the 2nd highest rank, only surpassed by the secretary himself. After the NPM set up its base, they began to speak about the ideas publicly, which garnered a lot of support from the population.

There were several leaked papers from the Atsun government in which different ministries were ordered to arrest Amieong and officially ban the NPM for treason against the state, but the papers confirm that these were in fact ignored, and the opinion of several ministers is that it was too dangerous for national stability to arrest him. Following the leak of the papers, Amieong would once more hold pro-NPM rallies across the country, which were beginning to see a steady rise in participants. The leak would also cause crowds of pro-Amieong supporters to raid government buildings, and some would even seize weapons belonging to the army or the police.

Espousing Tolytanism, the radical reform from the ways of old, the restoration of state institutions, the return of lost prestige, and the rebuilding of the economy, all alongside anti-Surovian sentiment, he managed to convince the public and ultimately win the 1945 presidential election and by extent the legislative election, winning a single-party majority in parliament and over 80% of the popular vote. There have been accusations of voter fraud, but all claims were rejected as "Foreign propaganda".

1945 - 1950 First presidential term
Amieong, now serving as the 14th president of Ke-Atsung, appointed De Amiu as the Grand Minister of Ke-Atsung, and officially was sworn into office on February 8. A mere week after his election, he immediately proposed to parliament a bill that would reduce military spending, slash troop numbers and give the president more executive authority to do as he pleases as "Temporary measures" until "The crisis is gone". Using the NPM majority in parliament, the bill passed, but due to the lack of specification in regards to what the "crisis" actually is, the "Temporary measures" continued for the rest of his term.

Through cooperation with local governors and the Ministry of Internal Affairs and as part of his Tolytanist revolutionary ideology, the military would begin to arm the opposition, nationalist groups in Harkon, which would cause a short-lived insurgency.

The 1st term saw Amieong approve several bills proposed by representatives in the National Assembly which would increase funding for state institutions, such as education, health, law enforcement, etc, and would revitalize state-owned corporations and commission private companies such as Amiharup to rebuild infrastructure and even expand it in some cases. He would also help kickstart Ke-Atsung's domestic armament industries, from being reliant on Glasean and Epreian equipment to producing Atsun-made designs.



He would also sponsor propaganda campaigns throughout the country, with Tolytanist, pro-Amieong, Atsun socialist posters being printed en mass and handed out to everyone, it would tremendously support Amieong's growing cult of personality, and some claim that it has helped him solidify himself as Ke-Atsung's supreme leader in the future. He would also formalize a flag change for the nation, changing the former flag and replacing it with the Green, Black and yellow flag.

The Atsun Revolution
Main Articles: 1946 Atsun Revolution, The Atsun Revolution

Political tension between the right and the left, as well as vocal opposition to his rule by Atsun Democrats and Communist Party of Ke-Atsung, has eventually led to an event known as the "April 7 Riot", in which several pro-NPM voters raided a local opposition party headquarters and killed its staff. The attack was met with silence by Amieong's government, and as a result, these attacks would continue to occur, killing many more opposition figures. Despite the constitution's explicit ban on using violence and/or endorsing it for political gain, there was a loophole, allowing for the justification of such as "Emergency measures". And on May 23, 1946, Amieong would speak to a large crowd of his supporters, in which he proclaimed the removal of "Foreign occupiers" and "Traitors of the nation". The crowd attending the speech would go on to clap for several minutes before stopping. "The Atsun Revolution" speech would coincide with a large-scale National People's Movement purge, which saw thousands of NPM members imprisoned for either corruption or treason.

Two years later, as chaos was sweeping throughout Ke-Atsung, Amieong would address the crowds of his supporters once more. "There are forces within our nation that conspire against us - a plot is underway to rid Ke-Atsung of its glory and allow foreign powers to subdue it." he said, he would further state that domestic purges of corruption must be carried out and that his administration will initiate such in the coming years. With revolutionary spirit at an all-time high, the crowds would begin to perform civil arrests of major opposition figures, public humiliation was also instituted as the order of the day, it seems there was nobody stopping Tolytanism.

But instead of calming the crowds of violent supporters of Amieong, he instead used it as an opportunity to finally get rid of the opposition, and institute what he called a "People's Representative State". He increased funding for the domestic intelligence agency of Ke-Atsung, and pass a legislative bill banning all non-NPM political parties. He then once more took to the podium and announced that the "People's duty was fulfilled. But due to the banning of the Communist Party and Wai Kanu Royal League, the communist and monarchist insurgencies grew in numbers, but this time, he took charge of operations and launched several assaults on their positions within urban cities. Many, a lot of whom were civilians, would die, but the insurgencies were pushed out of the cities and most of the rural areas.



At the end of the year, fearing a military countercoup and sensing "Traits of disloyalty" in the Atsung high command, then commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces Camasha Gulung alongside several generals were arrested and executed, though Camasha himself was simply imprisoned. These military purges affected only the Ground Forces branch of the Armed Forces, but would also contribute to its largest growth in officers within the military. Amieong would later be given the title commander-in-chief after a Central Committee resolution, in which all were in favor of such.

1950 - 1955 Second presidential term
Being the sole legal party candidate, Amieong won with over 96% of the popular vote in the 1950 elections. His 2nd term was declared 5 days later. Several organizations have condemned the elections as a fraud, but it has been noted that Amieong would have likely won regardless of inflated votes.

As commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces and a strict modernizer, Amieong approved several bills in relation to the military. These include the modernization of the military's equipment via the production of Ke-Atsun-made designs, the improvement of conditions, slightly increased wages, and a slash in troop numbers. The bills also helped kickstart the Atsun Navy and Air-Force.

Military reforms aside, however, his 2nd term was mostly targeted at the expansion of the industry, infrastructure, and the enlargement of his political control over the country. Instead of relying on private corporations for infrastructure, he instead commissioned the state-owned Atsun Construction Corporation to continue rebuilding infrastructure, from roads and bridges to power grids and water systems. The state encouraged civilians to leave their agricultural work to settle in the cities through land confiscation and propaganda, large housing blocs would be constructed as well. Private enterprise was also promoted via promised tax cuts and small government subsidies. Resource extraction was also increased.

Interested in the arts, cultures, and science of West Artopa, alongside Atsun culture, Amieong would increase funding for universities, better maintenance of national wonders and tourist sites, a guarantee of scientific and (slight) cultural freedoms, the construction of opera houses and more. Patriotic artists would also be generously paid by the government to award them.

The military would continue to fight the insurgencies throughout Amieong's 2nd term, and even though losses were high, they would ultimately score multiple victories and would be able to push the insurgencies to the edge of the country. With increased national police and Republican Security Service effectiveness saw a widespread decrease in crime and banditry.

Amieong would also reform the education system, with many subjects being added to the school curriculum, one of which would be the life of Amieong growing up as a poor nobody but ending up as the leader of all Atsun people. There have been descriptions and reports that indicate that the story taught in schools is largely changed to fit a Tolytanist agenda, and also to put Amieong in a good light as a Man of the People.

Even as early as 1952, it is evident by his continued use of the term "People's Representative" to describe himself, that Amieong was starting to push another populist narrative as being representative of the people, and that everything he does is an act in the interest of the population, even if said population ultimately does not carry any weight in decision-making. Over the years, it has become a significant base for his cult of personality, which would lead to the creation of the title "Leader of All Ke-Atsung". Through a parliamentary session in the National Assembly, agreed upon through a vote which passed unilaterally, constitutional amendments would take place. The title "Leader of All Ke-Atsung" would be given to Amieong, and would be granted absolute powers over the state and government, and would become the main factor in decision-making, some even say that he is above Ke-Atsung law. A referendum also took place, with over 95% of the population voting in favor of Amieong's absolute powers. With a successful referendum and a passing through the National Assembly, Amieong was then officially titled "Leader of All Ke-Atsung", and essentially became a dictator. He himself, however, pointed out the referendum's results and painted a picture of him as a defender of democracy. Another layer to the image of a self-declared "defender of democracy", he made it by law that constitutional amendments could only pass through public referendums.

Shortly after he was given absolute powers, he passed several bills, some with and without the consent of the assembly which officially designated and banned opposition parties for treason and being unrepresentative of the people.

1955 - 1960 Third presidential term
Amieong was re-elected and declared his third term on January 1st, 1955.

Ideological outlook
Amieong's ideological beliefs can be seen through reading his political activism before he became president, and also speeches at rallies and policies he implemented whilst being president of Ke-Atsung. One of his main political beliefs, however, is the hatred and distrust of monarchism and liberal values. He has, however, openly stated that the reason nationalism succeeds is because of mass politics and that this is the only trait that he admires of the nationalist ideology. It is acknowledged that his hatred of monarchism stems from Ke-Atsung's brutal war against Surovia.

Amieong believes in the creation of a strong state, one which could protect its citizens from foreign threats, as well as provide for the welfare and industrial needs of the population. He supports reformism, and is an advocate of planned economics, though he has stated that it will take time to transform the economy into a centralized, planned one. It is likely that he inherited his support for a strong state from his post-war experience in Ke-Atsung.

Tolytanism is a socialist ideology in nature, but it combines aspects from all of the political spectrum. But ultimately, it is firmly anti-imperialist, supports independence movements across the globe, and is very interventionist in nature. It sees the revolution in a single country as selfish, and the Tolytanist doctrine says that the Tolytanist revolution is like charity for the oppressed peoples of the world. It favors the expansion of national treasures and the glorification of culture and music.

As a devout Tolytanist-Socialist, Amieong believes in international revolutionary Tolytanism and seeks to create a unified and prosperous world. He also sees Ke-Atsung as the main guarantor of peace and stability in East Artopa, and that its role in world politics should not be underestimated or excluded. Taking inspiration from heavy post-war socialism, Amieong seeks a strong, lingually unified society and state, so that all may be equal, therefore promoting cultural nationalism.

Personal life
Amieong married Nhia Todhei at the age of 20 during his time at university in 1923. His eldest son, Baigh Dilliu, was born on February 25, 1930, exactly five years before the start of the Great War, while his 2nd son Seug was born on November 22, 1933. Only Baigh holds any sort of rank, with him holding the rank of colonel.

Amieong's first language is Atsun, and he is also fluent in Epreian and Almerian.